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‘Disappointed’ Ramiz, Babar react after New Zealand abandon Pakistan tour

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Filed Under: on Friday 17 September 2021

New Zealand abandon Pakistan tour amid security concerns

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‘U19 camp breeding quality spinners’

Pakistan U19 head coach Ijaz Ahmed believes the spinner being trained at the ongoing high performance camp can serve the national team in the next two years, a PCB press release read. “We have been working hard with these spinners for two years, they graduated from the U16 stage and have been developing brilliantly. The PCB has provided us great support with Mushtaq Ahmed working with the spinners during the training camps that we have arranged over the course of the last 12 to 18 months,” said Ijaz. “The ongoing camp in Karachi has given an extended opportunity of further honing the skills of the spinners, at present, we have top quality left-arm spinners, leg-spinners and off-spinners in Ali Asfand, Aaliyan Mehmood, Faisal Akram, Mehran Mumtaz and Zeeshan Ahmed besides all-rounders like Qasim Akram and Fahad Munir who have the talent and temperament of becoming world-class performers by delivering the goods both at the U19 level and as future Pakistan stars. “I have full confidence in their abilities and I am ready to say with full conviction that these spinners will be ready to serve Pakistan cricket in the next two years, the scarcity of quality spinners will become a thing of the past in the near future.” Meamwhile, National High Performance Centre bowling consultant Mushtaq Ahmed praised the young’uns brimming with spin talent. ‘’We are very fortunate to have a quality crop of spinners that have immense potential and talent. These players have graduated from the U16s and have made massive improvements in their game both from a technical as well as tactical aspects. As a spin bowling coach, my role is to provide them game awareness, reading pitches, the knowledge about various variations and how to deliver them, field placing as how to psyche out a batter,” said Mushtaq.

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Filed Under: on Thursday 16 September 2021

The long and short of the Single National Curriculum

The Single National Curriculum (SNC) for grades one to five has gotten a lot of attention since the new textbooks were published. Many concerns have been raised about the pictures on the covers, as well as about the actual content inside the textbooks. After going through the textbooks, I’ve come to this conclusion, even though the curriculum has received negative feedback, the books are not as bad as the outcry surrounding them. Yes, the curriculum is definitely not perfect but to deem it an entirely bogus project would not only be unfair but also an ill-informed decision. In my opinion, nothing remotely substantial has come out of Imran Khan’s politics but he may be onto something with this curriculum. Whether or not the SNC will help achieve the objectives Khan has set out to achieve, only time will reveal. Let me also tell you why I am for the curriculum. I believe it is a great initiative to bridge the gap between children from different socio-economic classes and it levels the playing field when it comes to education at least. Having private and public schools along with madrassas teach the same curriculum is, in fact, a rational move. I, however, do not support the move to teach all subjects in Urdu. Children in grades four and five, who were previously studying social studies (now muashrati uloom) in English till now will now be forced to study them in Urdu. Till they get to the sixth grade at least and then back to English. If the objective of this is to ensure that children are fluent in the national language, then steps need to be taken to make sure that the English content being taught is exceptional. Grammatical errors have been common in the previous textbooks from provincial education boards. If such mistakes are still made, an entire generation may be inadept at communicating internationally. We need to give attention to the English language, especially if we want to be better integrated into the world. Another point of contention with the textbooks themselves is, how each chapter starts with Bismillah (in the name of Allah), which would be great if all the children reading the books were Muslim. Incorporating religion into the books really goes against the very foundations on which this country was built. Schools should instead, have separate classes for religious studies that not only include Islam but other religions that are practised in the country as well. This may also lead to a more inclusive society. Interestingly, it is also illegal to force any student to study a religion they do not follow. Article 22 of Pakistan's Constitution states, "Safeguards as to educational institutions in respect of religion, etc. (1) No person attending any educational institution shall be required to receive religious instruction, or take part in any religious ceremony, or attend religious worship, if such instruction, ceremony or worship relates to a religion other than his own."   Specifically speaking of the imagery and various pictures shown on the textbook covers and inside pages, I would argue that women are shown in different roles and professions, and religions are explored in a positive manner (I know this because I’ve actually gone through the books myself). In addition, good manners and behaviour are emphasised upon, which in my opinion, play an integral part in raising empathic children. As far as women’s dressing is portrayed in the books, let me tell you that there is an equal number of girls in headscarves and without, which is simply a fair representation of the Pakistani culture. Many young girls don the headscarf from a very young age as part of the country's culture.   Perhaps what Punjab needs to focus on at this time is to ensure that the SNC is sustainable. They need to put a proper training system in place for teachers, principals and deans that teaches them how to not only tackle the new curriculum but also how to deal with the problems students may face. Unless an organised system is put in place to prepare registered, certified teachers, the chances of our education system becoming stronger are very slim. I’m certain there are plenty of issues that can and need to be addressed about the new textbooks and perhaps introducing a new curriculum at this point in time may have been a bit selfish on PTI's part but we can hope for the sake of our children that the SNC will be executed in good faith.

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How significant was the reported Islamabad intelligence summit?

Reports circulated over the weekend that Islamabad hosted an unprecedented summit of regional intelligence chiefs. The Russian, Chinese, Iranian, Uzbek, Kazakh, Turkmen, and Tajik ones allegedly participated in this gathering. None of these countries have confirmed this meeting at the time of writing but nor have they denied it either. It thus appears as though these reports have some degree of credibility to them and should therefore be taken seriously. If that’s the case as it seems to be, then this event would have been extremely significant. Pakistan is the most influential regional stakeholder in Afghanistan and is closer to the Taliban than anyone else. It therefore has a responsibility to help its fellow stakeholders better understand the evolving strategic situation there. That’s especially the case since others like Russia officially regard the group as terrorists even though the Kremlin still pragmatically engages with it in the interests of peace and security. Pakistan’s decades-long insight into the Taliban and Afghanistan more generally is of unparalleled importance to its partners. Pakistan, China, and Russia are the three countries most actively interacting with the Taliban. Iran’s position is complicated since it also acknowledges the group’s de facto leadership of Afghanistan but recently criticised its Panjshir operation in pretty harsh terms. The Central Asian Republics (CARs) with the exception of Tajikistan are following the first three mentioned countries’ leads while Dushanbe remains opposed to the Taliban, though not yet in any regionally destabilising way such as by supporting anti-Taliban groups. Tajikistan’s concerns stem from two factors: its kindred ties with ethnic Tajiks in Afghanistan which are that country’s second largest minority and have historically been opposed to the Pashtun-majority Taliban’s rule; and the state’s strictly secular system which naturally makes it ideologically opposed to the Islamic group. These interests make that country the only outlier among its fellow stakeholders but its mutual defence alliance with Russia through the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) means that Moscow might help manage it. Their respective relations with the Taliban can therefore be simplified as follows: Pakistan, China, and Russia have the most influence over the group and behave the most pragmatically towards it; Iran is playing a double game as is typical per its diplomatic traditions; the CARs for the most part are non-factors in shaping the course of events in Afghanistan; while Tajikistan could potentially become a troublemaker. Islamabad’s interests naturally rest in aligning their positions so that they can most effectively respond to this new regional reality. For perhaps the first time in its history, Pakistan has globally significant influence since some of the most important countries in the world such as China and Russia are looking to it for leadership in helping Afghanistan’s stakeholders jointly manage the new state of affairs in the interconnected Central-South Asian space that concerns them all. Their intelligence chiefs reportedly agreed to gather in Islamabad at their host’s invitation because they tacitly acknowledge that country’s newfound leading role in shaping the future. Pakistan was proven right by recent events in Afghanistan after having consistently supported the Taliban’s participation in the political process there. For a while, it was the only country in the world with this position, which eventually became the global norm after the group was invited to travel to Russia, China, and Iran for peace talks and ultimately signed its February 2020 deal with the US. The reality in which everyone is now operating was therefore first envisioned by Pakistan, which has the most experience planning for this scenario. The South Asian state also unveiled a new multipolar grand strategy in March during the inaugural Islamabad Security Dialogue that’s perfectly suited for accommodating all stakeholders’ strategic interests. Pakistan informally regards itself as the “Zipper of Eurasia” for connecting the supercontinent’s various regional integration blocs, which when combined with its hosting of the Belt & Road Initiative’s (BRI) flagship project of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and its expansions (CPEC+), could make it the “Global Pivot State”. In practical terms, Pakistan envisions February’s agreement for a Pakistan-Afghanistan-Uzbekistan (PAKAFUZ) railway functioning as the war-torn state’s economic jugular for sustainably rebuilding its economy. It would also enable Russia to finally fulfill its centuries-long goal of reaching the Indian Ocean. In addition, China could reach its new 25-year strategic partners in Iran by pioneering a “Persian Corridor” through Tajikistan and Afghanistan. This vision is mutually beneficial and satisfies all stakeholders’ geo-economic interests. Sceptics dismissed this as political fantasy up until the Taliban seized power and turned this scenario into the most likely regional reality. It can’t be known for sure, but Pakistan might have taken the opportunity afforded to it by the reported intelligence summit in Islamabad to brief its counterparts on this vision in an attempt to assess their respective will to jointly implement it. The country would also have suggested practical means for them all to contribute to ensuring Afghanistan’s security in both the soft and hard dimensions. Regarding the first, China is already emerging as the champion in this regard after promising $31 million of aid to the country to help mitigate its colossal socio-economic challenges. It’s not a lot in the grand scheme of things but is a positive step in the right direction that could inspire others like Russia to follow suit, after which Iran and the CARs (with the exception of Tajikistan which requires its own aid to deal with the refugee crisis) might do so as well through their own modest means. Concerning the second, hard security is already being ensured through Russia’s proactive efforts to coordinate its Central Asian allies’ response to Afghan-emanating threats such as ISIS-K and large-scale refugee waves that could be exploited as so-called “Weapons of Mass Migration”. Pakistan has also fenced off most of its border with Afghanistan and built many forts along it. As for Iran, it too is doing its utmost to prevent the spillover of Afghan-emanating threats but everyone’s efforts would be improved if they coordinated them through the SCO. Speaking of which, that organisation’s heads of state summit will be held in Dushanbe later this week from 16-17 September. It might turn out to be the case that the reported intelligence summit in Islamabad results in the pertinent countries agreeing to certain suggestions for jointly managing Afghanistan’s soft and hard security, though of course only if Russia can succeed in preventing its Indian ally from undermining these efforts in pursuit of its zero-sum interests at their collective expense. In any case, the reported summit was significant because it symbolised Pakistan’s newfound geostrategic importance in shaping the future of Eurasia after the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan. Islamabad’s close ties to the group, its regional connectivity vision, and its multifaceted soft & hard security experiences are all extremely useful to its fellow stakeholders who are now following its lead in adapting to this new regional reality. The reported summit thus signified Pakistan’s rise as a regional power that can no longer be ignored.

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Pakistan’s ambivalent economic outlook

Pakistan’s economy is witnessing a swift changeover courtesy of Shaukat Tarin. The government has shifted gears from stabilisation to growth by adopting expansionary policies. It hoped to induce sustainable growth on the premise of having rectified the underlying economic botches like a managed rupee, an ineffective monetary watchdog (State Bank of Pakistan), etc. However, the initial economic results from the on-going fiscal year are stirring a feeling of déjà vu. The import bill has swelled to over $12 billion in the months of July and August and culminated in a $7.5 billion trade deficit. Resultantly, the rupee fell against the dollar to over Rs. 168 per US dollar and is likely to surpass its record high of $1 = Rs. 168.43. History is repeating itself as the uptick in exports has been rather subdued in comparison to imports which are soaring. The fact of the matter is that Pakistan is reliant on imported energies like Crude Oil (Brent) and LNG. And, to Pakistan’s disadvantage, the price of both of these fuels is surging internationally. So, no matter what else is done, Pakistan will face the brunt of a sizable trade gap and recurring boom-bust cycles until and unless it limits its dependence on these imported commodities. The demand for Crude Oil (Brent) and LNG is to meet petroleum and energy needs. Pakistan has an energy mix skewed heavily towards fossil fuels (coal, oil, and gas), followed by hydropower and other renewable sources. Fossil fuels inflict considerable damage to the environment and Pakistan, highly vulnerable to climate change, cannot afford to sustain the present energy composition. Hence, it becomes imperative to rearrange the contemporary composition of the energy mix and lean more towards hydro, wind, solar, and other renewable energies. The southern half of Pakistan is suited for solar energy with hot, sunny summers. At the same time, wind power has immense potential since the country has several areas with express wind speed. Besides, Pakistan needs to expedite the implementation of the electric vehicle (EV) policy. The other way to resolve the plight at hand is by transforming exporting industries. Pakistan has never been able to realise its exporting potential in the wake of poor research and development (R&D) spending which led to little or no innovation. This meant that the production, be it industrial or agricultural, continues to be labour-intensive with an appalling productivity ratio. Similarly, the exports are mostly textile related. So, there is a lack of diversity and we are expecting a bit too much from the textile industry which has to compete against the likes of Bangladesh and Vietnam despite paying for exorbitant energy compared to these counterparts. The good part is that the remittances have spiralled to $5.36 billion in the 2MFY22 against $4.86 billion in the same period last year. This settles the nerves of citizens who are alarmed at the deteriorating trade balance and, consequently, current account deficit (CAD). The State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) is faced with a catch 22 where it can either amass foreign exchange reserves or hold the free fall of the PKR by using the forex to manage the exchange. Contrary to its conduct in the past, the SBP does not seem interested in artificially holding the rupee. This has augmented the country’s total liquid foreign reserves to $27.1 billion. However, Pakistan is likely to face a difficult time trying to circumvent imported inflation. Inflation has a paramount trickle-down impact and is already making the government mull upon non-economic and irrational ways like monitoring prices of basic commodities. This may lead to short-term political gain but will disrupt how markets operate and is likely to trigger a shortage or an excess in the market. Pakistan Tehreek Insaf (PTI)’s government will post a handsome growth number, but will it take care of CAD and reserves is the question looming over the minds of stakeholders. If it’s unable to prevent another bust, Pakistan will be back to square one and the Shaukat Tarin experiment will prove to be Imran Khan's biggest mistake on the economic front.

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What did the Pakistani ambassador to Moscow say to Russian media?

Pakistani Ambassador to Russia Shafqat Ali Khan was interviewed by Russia’s publicly financed international media outlets Sputnik and TASS, which reported on his comments in five separate articles here, here, here, here, and here. For the sake of those interested observers with limited time to follow all of this, especially if they’re understandably paying more attention to what’s happening in Afghanistan right now, the present piece will highlight the main points from his interviews and then briefly analyse their significance. Here are the most important policy pronouncements shared by Ambassador Khan followed by the author’s interpretation: “Our relations are truly in a very strong position today, we have relationship based on trust which covers a wide area of cooperation: economy, politics, defence cooperation. Both sides are satisfied at the positive direction of our relations. This is a key priority of Pakistan’s foreign policy. And Russian friends who follow Pakistan know it is across all political parties, it is a common point that we want good relations with Russia. You can see that - the groundswell of positive opinion about Russia in Pakistan. And it is not an exaggeration.” The rapid Russian-Pakistani rapprochement continues to proceed apace and is nowadays diversifying into other sectors than the defence one that originally brought them back together in 2014. Islamabad priorities ties with Moscow because it appreciates the Eurasian Great Power’s rising role in balancing the supercontinent’s affairs. There’s political unanimity on this front inside of Pakistan and this vision is genuinely popular with the Pakistani people too. “In April, [Russian] Foreign Minister Lavrov visited Islamabad, it was a very successful visit. And then recently the two ministers spoke on telephone. Then President [of Russia Vladimir] Putin and Prime Minister [of Pakistan Imran Khan] spoke. There are some other visits in the pipeline at the senior level, but I cannot confirm because the dates are not confirmed yet.” Ties will further develop following the planned visits that Ambassador Khan hinted at. It can only be speculated who’ll go where and when, but either way, it’s a positive sign that their governments are getting to know and therefore trust one another better. Well-wishers can only hope that closer people-to-people ties will eventually follow sometime in the future in order to add more robustness to bilateral relations. “[The Extended Troika] is the fundamental forum, which is Pakistan, Russia, China, and the United States. That remains the key part of everything. And then, of course, we also have the Moscow format, which is more expanded, with more countries involved. And then, of course, there is the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation [that] also has been involved here.” The three primary platforms within which Russia and Pakistan closely coordinate on Afghanistan are the Extended Troika, the Moscow peace talks, and the SCO. This shows how serious these top two regional stakeholders in Afghanistan’s stability are about jointly supporting that third country and getting their institutional partners to constructively contribute to this as well. “About India’s joining, I have not seen the statement. There is a standing invitation for Iran to join the Troika Plus whenever it wants. So far, they have not taken a decision to join it ... They have so far not responded, conveyed their interest in joining. But I haven’t seen Foreign Minister Lavrov’s statement that says that India will join the Troika plus format. For us, India is not a candidate for Troika plus.” One point of divergence between Russia and Pakistan regarding their regional vision is Moscow’s belief that India should play a greater role in the Extended Troika, which Islamabad believes isn’t necessary. It’s natural that no set of partners will ever perfectly see eye to eye with one another on everything, and this issue likely won’t impede the steady growth of their relations though since bilateral ties are solid enough to prevent that. “There has been discussion going on (about Pakistan’s suggestion to hold a meeting between foreign ministers of regional countries to discuss Afghanistan in the aftermath of the Taliban taking over Kabul), but there is nothing concrete yet as such in terms of who will be the participants, when it will take [place], whether the place is confirmed. I don’t have any information to share on that. But what I can tell you is there are some ideas about that. No concrete details yet.” Pakistan continues to take the lead in promoting peace and stability in Afghanistan by attempting to assemble all responsible stakeholders that are concerned about that country’s future. These plans understandably take some time to organise, especially considering how busy their respective representatives are nowadays in dealing with this issue, but it’s indeed possible that something positive will eventually come out of these efforts. Should the meeting be held, then it’ll further strengthen Russian-Pakistani ties too. “So it’s not that we have a kind of a control over Afghanistan, but geography, culture, history, and, of course, language and the fact that there are four million refugees living in Pakistan. That gives us some kind of a role, but not control over a situation. The solution and dealing with the challenge is a collective responsibility.” Despite having very close ties with the Afghan people across all levels, Pakistan doesn’t “control” them nor the Taliban like some observers have falsely claimed. Islamabad can exert positive influence over some processes, but it cannot completely shape them, nor does it aspire to because the solutions should be multilateral. “But we are not in the position to tell them exactly what to do. To us the process of reaching a settlement should not be important, for us the outcome should be important. There should be an inclusive government which would help Afghanistan finally arrive at a peaceful outcome.” Pakistan pragmatically takes the stance that the outcome of Afghan stability – ideally through the eventual formation of an inclusive government – is more important than the process through which this is achieved. This signifies Islamabad’s sincere respect for its neighbour’s historical socio-political traditions. “Our point is that it is going to be a problem because there is a limit to how much (refugees) we can take. If there are too many refugees from Afghanistan, we will be the most affected but there will be other countries affected. The refugees will go to Iran, Europe, Central Asia. To solve this, you try to work out a political settlement in Afghanistan.” One of Pakistan’s goals in assembling all responsible stakeholders on Afghanistan is to multilaterally deal with the scenario of a regional refugee crisis. The South Asian state can’t absorb any more refugees after already hosting several million of them, which is why it’s important for everyone else to step up and proactively promote a sustainable political settlement in Afghanistan so as to address the root causes for migration. “I hope [that it is] not [NATO attempting to shift all responsibility for Afghanistan on Pakistan] because western countries understand that the withdrawal of forces does not mean that they have washed their hands. They can’t. Refugees are just one manifestation. There can be darker consequences: drugs, human smuggling, narcotics, terrorism.” The regional security situation is extremely sensitive right now and will accordingly require multilateral coordination to effectively address. Unconventional threats abound beyond the realm of refugees so it’s important for everyone to work together to prevent the worst-case scenarios from transpiring. Pakistan will take the lead in these respects, but it can only succeed in close coordination with its partners. “And finally, one last point is that some foreign powers may think that it is only Pakistan’s problem. No, it’s not just our problem. Tomorrow a person fighting against Pakistan can join ISIS* and start attacking others. So overall, this problem has to be rooted out. But the key, one first step, is stability in Afghanistan for that.” Amb. Khan felt it necessary to emphasise how his country cannot be expected to deal with these unconventional threats on its own. The contemporary regional security matrix is such that while Pakistan might be the first victim of such threats, it surely won’t be the last so it’s in everyone’s interests to work together now. “I will not talk about procurement issues at this point of time because that is a sensitive matter. There is a legal foundation for defense cooperation: we have the main agreement, there are some other agreements and yet some more agreements are under negotiation between the two sides. As they complete we will tell you. So far, we have been historically importing in aviation sector, and also in terms of helicopters. So, there is already a long tradition of working with the Russian defense industry. But I think it will get much richer in the years ahead.” The Kremlin acutely understands Pakistan’s unconventional security needs and is therefore working to expand relevant military-technical cooperation as part of their joint efforts to stabilise the uncertain regional situation. This speaks to Russia’s confidence in practicing a much more balanced policy towards South Asia than in years past where it neglected legitimate Pakistani security interests due to its narrow focus on its Indian ally’s interests. Moscow has evidently realised that its “military diplomacy” isn’t a zero-sum game but can be mutually beneficial for all since ensuring Pakistan’s unconventional security stabilises South Asia as a whole. “Two rounds of commercial discussions have taken place (on the Pakistan Stream Gas Pipeline) and both sides are very satisfied with the progress achieved so far. I don’t know the details but the bulk of that is clear. Once they finish it, and then of course the date will come up for the start of construction. But we are very close to that.” Bilateral relations with Russia have veritably expanded beyond the Afghan-related political and defensive fields to include strategic energy cooperation through the impending construction of the Pakistan Stream Gas Pipeline, which will serve as the flagship project of Russian-Pakistani economic ties. “Ten million doses of Sputnik V we are going to get from Russia...Just few days back our authorities announced that the first one million doses of Russian vaccine Sputnik V are already there...We have made our interest known (in producing Sputnik V), the two technical sides are talking to each other, but right now the priority was procurement...And I think we were one of the first embassies where everyone got it and frankly it saved all of us from any trouble.” Building upon the preceding observation above, bilateral relations are now rapidly expanding into the epidemiological sphere that directly affects people’s lives. Pakistan is becoming a major procurer of Sputnik V and intends to hopefully produce some of this treatment too. It’s also important to point out that the Pakistani Embassy in Russia was one of the first to receive Sputnik V too since this shows just how much Islamabad trusts Moscow that it would prioritise its diplomats taking this vaccine before most other countries’ there did. Ambassador Khan’s interviews were extremely important because they clarified Pakistan’s stance towards the rapidly unfolding events in Afghanistan and were also an up-to-date assessment of bilateral relations with Russia. Russian-Pakistani ties continue to strengthen and expand into multiple domains, be they multilateral one regarding joint efforts to stabilise Afghanistan or the energy and epidemiological ones that stand to most immediately improve the Pakistani people’s lives. It’s time for observers the world over to wake up and realise that the Russian-Pakistani partnership is among the most promising ones in modern-day Eurasia.

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